ENDGAME

In the Preface to Brexit Means Brexit: How the British Ponzi Class Survived the EU Referendum (August 2017), I wrote:

“Following the British EU referendum vote and the election of President Trump in the USA – with his bald rejection of political correctness, commitment to securing the USA’s borders and his stated aim of entering into better bilateral trade deals – someone on social media commented that ‘The West fights back’. That comment was perhaps accurate at the moment it was made. Since then, other voter rebellions in France and Holland have failed; candidates and governments advocating the status quo have prevailed. Meanwhile, Brexit has been postponed, and at the time of writing, President Trump is floundering.

My two previous books [The Genesis of Political Correctness and The Ponzi Class] provided an exposure of historical facts and ideological conflict and were calls to action. This book is ultimately more pessimistic and more of a wake-up call. The patriotic cause, certainly across the Anglo-Saxon West, and the West in general, needs to take stock, regroup and counterattack – or else the West’s fight back is in danger of becoming a spectacular belly flop in slow motion.”

In the subsequent Preface to Turbo Brexit: and the case against Brino (September 2018), I wrote:

“The purpose of this book is to compare the consequences of Brino [Brexit in Name Only] with those of a genuine Brexit. I focus on a programme entitled Turbo Brexit. As will be demonstrated, the public did not get it wrong in voting to leave the EU. The public got it right. It is the ruling British Ponzi class, who have put their own interests ahead of the national interests and ahead of democracy, who have it wrong.

For ease of understanding, my book, The Ponzi Class, defined the Ponzi class as being: ‘a class, despite some internal differences, who are politically correct with a belief that they are entitled to spend public monies on themselves and encompass most of the three main political parties, the banks, multinationals, the corporate sector, the unions, most charities, the media, senior civil servants and an array of quangos. They are the ruling class.’

My book, The Genesis of Political Correctness, defined political correctness in these terms: ‘Political correctness will be defined as “the mechanism for the enforcement of neo-Marxist ideology.” This definition splits political correctness into two parts. First, the ideology, and second, the manner in which that ideology is imposed.’ Furthermore, ‘This neo-Marxist ideology is focused on culture and is fixated with race, feminism, and gay rights in particular. It is also firmly opposed to nationhood, at least as far as Western countries are concerned, and with regards to the English in particular.’”

The inauguration of Joe Biden as the US president marks the end of what was the 2016 populist revolution. That revolution shook the world and was the product of a political revolt in both the UK and the USA.

In the UK, after many years, great acrimony and two general elections, something describable as Brexit has happened. The deal needlessly struck with the EU might be less than the clean break the Brexit voters expected, but it is closer to Brexit than Brino. The UK has sufficient sovereignty to make decisions, even if there remains a lot of work to do to escape the EU’s orbit and control (a comparison between the Brexit delivered and Turbo Brexit is here).

In the USA, which for many years seemed to be faring much better than the UK in its revolutionary agenda, the final outcome is less clear cut. The border wall with Mexico has only been partly built. The swamp has not been drained and in fact it is now draining Trump. There is even serious talk of trying to put Trump and many of his supporters in jail.

To put it another way, we have witnessed the idea advocated by Antonio Gramsci, a prominent Italian communist in the 1930s, who argued that there needed to be a long march through the institutions – including the government, the judiciary, the military, the educational system, and the media – before there could be a successful revolution. Gramsci also argued that alliances with other Leftist groups were necessary. Gramsci took this view following the experience in Hungary, when Hungarian civil society mobilised against the communists and threw out the Bela Kun communist revolution after only a few months. Now it is a politically-correct civil society that has mobilised against the populists.

What form the dissident right will now take is yet to be determined. Whether it will be more nationalist or be consumed by the woke-Right is uncertain. A battle of ideas lies ahead, as well as a more routine power struggle.

We are now in a different political environment.